Water has grown scarcer in India, as Green Revolution water-guzzling agriculture replaces traditional practices attuned to local water conditions and local needs. Now indigenous water conservation know-how is bringing back sufficiency--and even abundance
I have witnessed the conversion of my land from a water-abundant
country to a water-stressed country. I saw the last perennial stream in
my valley run dry in 1982 because of the mining of aquifers in
catchments. I have seen tanks and streams dry up on the Deccan plateau
as eucalyptus monocultures spread. I have struggled with communities in
water-rich regions as pollution poisoned their water sources. In case
after case, the story of water scarcity has been a story of greed,
careless technologies, and taking more than nature can replenish and
clean. Over the past two decades, I have witnessed conflicts over
development and natural resources mutate into communal conflicts,
culminating in extremism and terrorism.
The water
cycle connects us all, and from water we can learn the path of peace
and the way of freedom. We can learn how to transcend water wars
created by greed, waste, and injustice, which create scarcity in our
water-abundant planet. We can work with the water cycle to reclaim
water abundance. We can work together to create water democracies. And
if we build democracy, we will build peace.
Since
the 1950s, the Green Revolution has been hailed for its success in
expanding the global food supply, particularly in developing nations
such as India and China. High-yield miracle seeds were promoted all
over the developing world, and the Green Revolution was praised for
preventing the starvation of millions of people. The ecological and
social costs of the Green Revolution were largely ignored. Through its
emphasis on high-yield seeds, this agricultural model replaced
drought-resistant local crop varieties with water-guzzling crops. The
Green Revolution led to water drawing down aquifers in water-scarce
areas.
In the Deccan area of south India, sorghum
was traditionally intercropped with pulses and oilseeds to reduce
evaporation. The Green Revolution replaced this indigenous agriculture
with monocultures. Dwarf varieties replaced tall ones, chemical
fertilizers took the place of organic ones, and irrigation displaced
rainfed cropping. As a result, soils were deprived of vital organic
material, and soil moisture droughts became recurrent.
In
drought-prone regions, ecologically sound agricultural systems are the
only way to produce sustainable food. One acre of rice uses as much
water as three acres of sorghum. For the same amount of water, sorghum
provides 4.5 times more protein, four times more minerals, 7.5 times
more calcium, and 5.6 times more iron, and can yield three times more
food than rice. Had development taken water conservation into account,
sorghum and millet would not have been called marginal or inferior
crops.
Prior to the Green Revolution, groundwater
was accessed through protective, indigenous irrigation technologies,
which relied on renewable human or animal energy. These were identified
as “inefficient” and were replaced by oil engines and electric pumps
that extracted water faster than nature's cycles could replenish it.
Water
is available only if water sources are regenerated and used within
limits of renewability. When development philosophy erodes community
control and instead promotes technologies that violate the water cycle,
scarcity is inevitable. In India, even as investment was being poured
into water projects, more and more villages were running out of water.
Since
the 1990s, the World Bank and other aid agencies have been aggressively
pushing privatization and market-based distribution of water. The
result has been an accelerated extraction of groundwater.
Across
India, wells powered by fossil-fuels and electricity have mushroomed as
part of an informal privatization of groundwater. After the 1972
drought in Maharashtra, the World Bank heavily subsidized and
mechanized water withdrawal systems. The Bank also gave credit for tube
wells that were to feed commercial irrigation and reduce water
scarcity. The result was an explosion of sugarcane cultivation. In less
than a decade, sugarcane cultivation converted groundwater into a
commodity and left people and staple food crops thirsting for water.
While sugarcane is cultivated on only 3 percent of Maharashtra's
irrigated land, it consumes 80 percent of the irrigation water and
eight times more water than other irrigated crops.
Although
the shift from rainfed, coarse-grain production to a water-hungry cash
crop has increased average household income, the costs have been great.
In Manerajree village, for example, a new water scheme with a potential
supply of 50,000 liters was commissioned in November 1981 at a cost of
$14,000. The water supply lasted only one year. To increase production,
three 60-meter power pump bores were drilled near the first well, and
they supplied 50,000 liters per day in 1982. By November 1983, all
three bores were completely dry. More than 2,000 privately owned wells
in this sugarcane region had also gone dry. Since 1983, continuous
tanker service provides water to the area.
Ecological democracy Everyone
agrees that the world is facing a severe water crisis. Water-abundant
regions have become water scarce, and water-scarce regions face water
famines. There are, however, two conflicting paradigms for explaining
the water crisis: the market paradigm and the ecological paradigm.
According to the market paradigm, if water could be moved and
distributed freely through free markets, it would be transferred to
regions of scarcity, and higher prices would lead to conservation. As
Terry Anderson and Pamela Snyder state in Water Markets, “[A]t higher
prices people tend to consume less of a commodity and search for
alternative means of achieving their desired ends. Water is no
exception.”
Such abstract arguments miss the most
crucial point—when water disappears, there is no alternative. For Third
World women, water scarcity means traveling longer distances in search
of water. For peasants, it means starvation and destitution as drought
wipes out their crops. For children, it means dehydration and death.
There is simply no substitute for this precious liquid, necessary for
the biological survival of animals and plants.
The
water crisis is an ecological crisis with commercial causes but no
market solutions. Higher prices under free-market conditions will not
lead to conservation. Given the tremendous economic inequalities, there
is a great possibility that the economically powerful will waste water
while the poor will pay the price. Market solutions destroy the earth
and aggravate inequality. The solution to an ecological crisis is
ecological, and the solution for injustice is democracy.
Scarcity
and abundance are not nature-given—they are products of water cultures.
Cultures that waste water or destroy the fragile web of the water cycle
create scarcity even under conditions of abundance. Those that save
every drop can create abundance out of scarcity. Indigenous cultures
and local communities have excelled in water conservation technologies.
Today, ancient water technologies are once again gaining popularity.
There
are more than 25 types of irrigation and drinking water systems built
by the diverse communities of India. To this day, these ancient systems
are the mainstay of survival in ecologically fragile zones. The tank
systems of southern India are some of the most enduring indigenous
systems, lasting over centuries. They consist of several hundred linked
reservoirs forming continuous chains that prevent the monsoon rains
from running off the land.
In pre-British India,
irrigation systems were managed by social organizations within
villages. In south Bihar, both construction and maintenance of water
systems, known as goam, were collectively managed. The villagers were
responsible for water allocation in their community. A system known as
parabandi regulated distribution of water among the villages from a
common source. In cases involving large works, the rights of each
village were formally recorded. In others, regulations were largely
customary, and conflicts were resolved according to local procedures.
The
British, whose agricultural system did not depend on irrigation, had no
knowledge of water management when they arrived in India. Indifference
to and ignorance about local ecological conditions led to the failure
of many engineering projects during British rule. After 30 years of
disastrous efforts to restore the Grand Anicut dam on the Kaveri River,
Sir Arthur Cotton, the founder of colonial irrigation programs,
reverted to the more effective indigenous methods.
While
water privatization is the preferred policy by governments and global
financial institutions, masses of people across India and around the
world are mobilizing to conserve water and regain community control
over their resources. The Pani Panchayat movement, launched by the NGO
Gram Gaurav Pratisthan (GGP), for example, aims to create an equitable
and ecologically sustainable water system in a drought-prone area.
The
movement began in 1972, after Maharashtra's severe drought. While the
government focused on famine relief and continued to rapidly exploit
water resources, GGP founder Vikas Salunke recognized strict water
control and soil conservation as the most effective tools to survive
the drought.
The Pani Panchayat believed in the
rights of all residents to water. Under the movement's program, water
was treated as a community resource, and the number of family members,
not the size of one's land, determined how much water residents could
receive. A patkari (water distributor) was appointed to ensure fair
day-to-day allocation. And while members of the Panchayat were
otherwise free to decide how to use their water, sugarcane cultivation
was regarded as an irresponsible use of resources and was banned.
Movements
for water conservation are spreading all over India. In Gujarat, where
nearly 13,000 villages have no dependable source of water and where
groundwater is saline, women members of water councils are taking the
lead in creating water harvesting systems. The people's investment in
water conservation has also helped recharge groundwater, fill rivers,
and increase crop production. In 1994, the Arvari River came back to
life as result of recharge by 500 johads, the traditional earthen check
dams that catch the monsoon rains and hold the water through the dry
season. Water from johads percolates down into the soil, raising the
watertable. Similarly, Ruparel, once a dead river, has been flowing
since 1994 and is now the leading source of water for 250 villages. It
was replenished by 250 johads.
The Swadhyaya
movement of Gujarat, aimed at self-development at all levels of
organization, including individuals, communities, and countries (see
YES!, Winter 2001), has led to the construction of 957 percolation
tanks known as nirmal neers. As a result, close to 100,000 wells have
been recharged. The Swadhyaya villagers endorse bhakti, the principle
of volunteerism, and believe in 100 percent contribution. During the
drought of 2000, Swadhyaya villages did not run out of water. Through
their free labor and commitment to bhakti, the villagers have created
an alternative to capital-intensive, nonlocal projects.
Man-made
water scarcity and ubiquitous water conflicts can be minimized with the
recognition of water as a common resource. Water conservation movements
are also showing that the real solution to the water crisis lies in
people's energy, labor, time, care, and solidarity. The current war
against water scarcity can be won only through massive movements for
water democracy. People's movements have shown the possibility of
creating abundance out of scarcity.
Excerpted from Water Wars: Privatization, Pollution and Profit,
2002. Used with permission of South End Press. Vandana Shiva is a
physicist and activist who directs the Research Foundation for Science,
Technology, and Natural Resource Policy.Her other books include Stolen Harvest and The Violence of the Green Revolution. Visit www.navdanya.org.
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