Restorative Grazing
Document Actions
This theory is not without controversy, but it is taking hold among some ranchers and agrarians. Washington State University has developed an outreach effort that has resulted in groups forming in dozens of rural communities to explore these grazing techniques and the consensus-building processes that practioners say is crucial to success.
In 1978 Tony Tipton rented a bus,
filled it with his Winnemucca neighbors, and drove to the state capital
in Carson City to join what was then called the Sagebrush Rebellion.
This band of ragtag populists backed Nevada state legislators in an
effort to force the federal government to turn control of federal lands
over to state and local management. “We were fighting for our
livelihoods. We were desperate,” says Tipton.
The grievances
that drove these people to such desperation are of a type and magnitude
that most of us rarely encounter. People who ranch public lands serve
as chairman of the board, chief cook and bottle washer, go-fer, and
buck stopper of operations that can cover nearly as much territory as
some eastern states, and they frequently have to stay afloat on an
income skimpier than what one might get for installing doorknobs in
tract houses. And to do this they invariably have to participate in
negotiations as complex as any that have ever challenged an
international tribunal.
The Sagebrush Rebellion eventually
foundered as it attracted the full wrath of urban opposition, but the
experience had planted a seed within Tony Tipton. To him the
rebellion's failure had made it clear that, in spite of ranchers' near
legendary reputation for winning political battles, if they tried to
win by fighting they would inevitably lose. At first this realization
was of little use to Tipton because he knew of no alternative. He would
have to lock horns with the government and environmental regulation one
more time to stumble across one.
That opportunity came when
Tipton was trying to come up with a justification for allowing cattle
to graze the streamside areas on a ranch in Grass Valley, Nevada, that
he was trying to buy. When he heard about a course in Lincoln,
Nebraska, that taught that cattle grazing could actually be good for
the land, he signed up. The course in Holistic Resource Management
(HRM) was taught by Allan Savory, a former wildlife manager from the
savannas of Africa. Most of the 35 people who attended were lawyers,
lobbyists, and environmentalists of various stripes.
Tipton
came away from five days with these people he had called enemies for
most of his life a changed man. “I walked away from that course
believing that environmentalists were my best friends,” Tipton says.
“We were best friends because we wanted the same things – healthy
ecosystems, biodiversity, healthy water and mineral cycles, and land
covered with plants instead of bare dirt.” The old Sagebrush Rebel had
found his alternative. To keep doing what he wanted to do, what he
loved and lived to do, he now realized that he would not only have to
join his opposition, but he would have to get them to join him.
Burning
with the fire of the born-again, Tipton arranged for a basic course in
HRM to be taught in his home town of Winnemucca and sent invitations to
Bureau of Land Management (BLM) staffers and grazing permittees across
the state.
Good things frequently come in bunches, and it was
during this time of change and hope that Tipton met his wife-to-be,
Jerrie Cline. Jerrie is from an old ranching family in the mountains of
central Arizona. She tells her own horror stories about getting along
with the feds. “My dad was one of the best cooperators the Forest
(Service) had, served on the grazing boards so long they finally had to
retire him,” Jerrie recalls. “But we had as much trouble as anyone.”
The
Cline family's frustration also led them to join an activist group, but
instead of the Sagebrush Rebellion, they became active in the Arizona
Cattlegrowers' Association.
“The cattlegrowers exist off of
memberships,” Jerrie explains, “so the only way they could get money
from us was if there was a fight. After a while we began to feel they
had more of a vested interest in having fights than they did in solving
problems.”
The Cline family's flight from confronta-tionalism
led them to the same alternative as Tony Tipton. They started attending
HRM classes, and Tommie, Jerrie's sister, went from working for the
cattlegrowers to working for the Center for Holistic Resource
Management in Albuquerque, New Mexico.
Tommie Martin made her
transition with enthusiasm. “Before long Tommie was getting calls from
all over the West to facilitate meetings or teach courses,” her sister
Jerrie says. “But Tony and I got tired of passing out bibles. We
decided to make our statement on the land.”
They set out to
apply the HRM model to the Austin, Nevada ranch they had acquired as an
alternative to the fence-partitioned allotment that had sent Tony to
his first HRM course.
Identifying the whole
To
get started, the HRM planning model is crystal clear on what must be
done. First you identify the whole: the land, the livestock, the
wildlife, the bugs, the birds, the grasses, the trees, the weeds, the
ecological processes, and last but not least, the people who have an
interest in this land and its management or will be affected by it –
all of them.
Then you bring people together to talk about goals
for the land and to commit to work together to achieve those goals that
are shared. For their first meeting the Tiptons sent out more than 200
invitations to representatives of Earth First!, The Nature Conservancy,
Sierra Club, Nevada Cattlemen's Association, and other interest groups,
as well as to all the government land management agencies with an
interest in the more than 40,000 acres of public lands that their
grazing management plan would affect.
The mailing list was
selected according to one of the cardinal principles of ecology:
diversity creates strength. No one was overlooked because his views
were too radical. That is still the case. Opponents of grazing as well
as its friends are invited. Among those who get a regular invitation is
Dan Heinz, a critic of collaborative groups who says, “I've never seen
consensus management work.”
The response was sparse at that
first meeting (no environmentalists and only a few government staffers
showed up), and the mood was guarded. Some of the agency
representatives were aware of Tipton's Sagebrush Rebel roots. They had
heard that he wasn't above slamming someone against a wall to make his
case. “He was known as a real hothead up in Winnemucca,” remembers one
BLM staffer.
In spite of the low attendance at the Tiptons'
early meetings, enough optimism was generated to form the Toiyabe
Wetlands and Watershed Management Team. The name in itself is a
stretch, a means for the group to challenge itself. Much of the land
included in the team's “whole” is high desert – sagebrush dispersed
over rapidly eroding exposed soil. It looks like anything but a
wetland, but the Tiptons have learned not to take anything at face
value.
To get to know what their land was capable of doing the
Tiptons decided to learn, as best they could, what it had done in the
past. They dug through BLM archives, old USGS maps, and photos saved by
Austin families. Their research revealed that the land their ranch
occupied had changed dramatically in the years since modern habitation.
They found that, when miners settled there in the late 1800s, land that
is now mostly bare dirt had produced vegetables to sell in the mining
camps. They puzzled over a picture of a neighbor's great-grandfather
standing next to a water wheel by a stream that now is little more than
a dry wash.
Amazed, they went out onto the land looking for
evidence of its fertile past. There they located survey points where
turn-of-the-century notes said there was once shoulder-high grass and
now there is little more than sage and rabbitbrush. They found a land
comatose and emaciated – dying.
Betting on ungulates
For
Tony and Jerrie this was a time both terrifying and exhilarating. Just
as the members of their team had to be convinced that their newfound
methods would work, so did they.
To do the convincing, they
picked the most challenging test they could find – a steep, barren pile
of clay; a dam that held back a settling pond for a gold mine located
on the same Forest Service lands that the Tiptons' cattle graze. The
dam was a scar visible for miles. In nearly a decade that had passed
since the dam had been constructed, erosion had removed most of the
topsoil and started to cut into the dam itself. A few tumbleweeds were
all that grew where grasses had been seeded, and even the tumbleweeds
were slowly disappearing.
The Tiptons offered to cover that
eroding scar with green living grass, using only cattle and hay and
enough fossil fuel to haul the hay into place. If they succeeded, they
hoped to convince the Forest Service and their management team that
their livestock could be used to improve the land.
But how do
you get cows to make grass grow when they're almost universally
recognized as one of the planet's most effective agents at making it
disappear? That pile of clay never had supported much more than dust
devils. To effect a change that sounded like magic and worked like
common sense, hay would be spread over the surface of the dam, enticing
the cattle to climb its steep slopes. There they would eat, tramp,
defecate, and urinate – fertilizing, tilling, tamping, and planting the
seeds of the hay and the five-way wheat grass mix that had been
broadcast in case the hay seeds weren't enough.
The idea wasn't
as crazy as it sounded. The principle behind it has been stated by
ecologists from Allan Savory to Paul Ehrlich. “The grazing of the
animals is responsible for the very existence of the grassland,”
Ehrlich wrote in his book, The Machinery of Nature.
To
prove that their ungulates could create a grassland where none had
existed before, the Tiptons would spread 32 tons of hay over nearly 10
acres of land sloped so steeply that you almost had to crawl to get up
it. The huge amount of hay would ensure that the animals wouldn't eat
everything, but would churn much of it into the dirt. Along with their
dung, that debris would create a mulch to hold moisture and fertilize
the soil, thereby creating the conditions for growth.
The
objective was to recreate an ancient symbiosis. Once the Tiptons'
animals had eaten and fertilized they would leave, just as a herd of
natural grazers would leave. Then, if grass did grow, they would not be
there to eat it before it could become established or to overgraze it
once it had. As natural grazers, when the animals did come back they
would come as restorers, removing material that had grown during the
previous season that was now of no use to the plants except to attract
restorers. And as the cattle grazed, they would plant even more seeds,
fertilize them, and once again leave.
For four days in
November 1989, Jerrie, Tony, and Tommie, with the help of a hired hand
and a few team members, skidded 100-pound bales of hay down that slope
– slipping, sliding, and falling as they scattered the organic material
over the clay. Then they climbed and crawled back up to do it all over
again, cussing cows and their own stubbornness as they went.
Betting on Cows
In
typical Nevada fashion, their neighbors placed bets, sitting in their
pickups, watching. The Tiptons worked daylight ‘til dark, keeping a
steady stream of hay spreading across the dam site.
The cows
did their job, eating, and stomping. And when the work was finished,
the slope was broken by innumerable terraces cut into the hillside by
the passing of the animals, and the surface was thatched with
trampled-in debris. Then the cows were removed and the land was
permitted to gestate.
When spring came, all those with a vested
interest – the Tiptons, the team, the bettors, almost everyone in
Austin – watched the white scar on the mountain slope. Ever so slowly,
it turned to brilliant green. Bets were paid and, by the end of summer,
the Tiptons and their team waded through the thigh-high grass, clipping
and weighing samples as they would to estimate the production of a hay
field. Their tests revealed that their cow-cultivated mine site had
produced more grass than some of their neighbors' irrigated hay fields
– and had done it on less than six inches of moisture!
Standing
on the top of that pile of clay, looking off across the immensity of
the Nevada basin and range, Tony and Jerrie Tipton's 10-acre mine
reclamation project shrinks into insignificance in comparison to the
job that faces anyone with sufficient hubris to think he can restore
the West. But it is here, among the grass enabled to grow by the
Tiptons' cows, that one can begin to make sense of one of the most
revolutionary claims Tony Tipton has made.
Ranchers and watershed stewards
“I'm
out of the cattle business,” he has declared wherever anyone has been
willing to listen. “I'm into the land management business.” Tony Tipton
is saying that, in order to survive, ranchers must become more than
just producers of beef: they must become stewards of the land. In order
to do that, the Tiptons work long, backbreaking hours. They work to
bring water back into desiccated ecosystems. They work to make the
grass shoulder tall again. To bring elk back to the Toiyabes and to
restore the numbers of sage grouse and curlews and even to put bigger
nuts in the pinyon cones. They labor under the belief that someday
Corky Campbell might stand beside the creek in Pipe Canyon where her
great-grandfather stood next to that water wheel and think about
building another one.
Tony and Jerrie believe that herein lies
the future, perhaps the only future for public lands ranching. By
creating this alternate form of support for ranching, Tony and Jerrie
believe that they can convince at least some of their peers to manage
in the same way they manage. They believe that if they can prove that
they can be agents of restoration and stewardship, they will be joined
and rewarded by the same people who spend money to stop the overgrazing
and desertification of the West.
Many will write this off as a
scam, as self- serving chicanery. But they have not seen what the
Tiptons have been able to do. On this high, dry, severe land where
rainfall averages as low as four inches a year, the Tiptons' unorthodox
methods have reduced plant spacings in some places from 16 inches to
five inches. They have transformed near monocultures of sagebrush into
diverse stands of grass, broadleaf annuals (forbs) and shrubs. Water
persists longer in streams flowing from watersheds where they have
applied their methods. And they have expanded the size of at least one
meadow sufficiently that a road had to be moved because it became too
boggy to travel.
Not all the reviews have been positive. Dan
Heinz, a free-lance grazing consultant for a number of environmental
groups, continues to have reservations about what is happening on the
Tiptons' ranch. “I don't deny cattle impact is a tool that Savory (HRM)
grazers have revolutionized and demonstrated the benefits of, but they
also need to realize that extended rest can have benefits too,
especially on riparian [streamside] areas.”
Heinz also makes no
bones about his skepticism of the collaborative process. “The people
that come to the table with such enthusiasm now wouldn't be there if
there hadn't been confrontations.” But about the Tiptons, Heinz is
clearly positive. “Their attitude, their enthusiasm, the places they've
turned around, their ready admission of the fact degradation has
occurred – they're light years ahead of anything I encountered 15 years
ago,” he says.
Some ranchers are critical of the Tiptons'
admission that change is needed, viewing it as a chink in the bumper
sticker solidarity that proclaims “For a Rancher, Every Day is Earth
Day.” Others, however, have begun to emulate an alternative they see as
stronger than slogans.
These ranchers are aware of the fact that
the Tiptons have received a validation of their success in the form of
a signed memorandum of understanding (MOU) with the Forest Service.
That document affirms that Tony and Jerrie and their team have
transformed the Tiptons' animals from a commodity produced upon the
land to a tool for improving it. To them that MOU serves as an
affirmation, a benchmark, a beacon. It confirms what many of them know
in their hearts is right: that fighting or selling out are not the only
alternatives; that there is a way to work together. And it refutes a
contention that many of them know just as deeply is wrong: that the
only way they can improve the land is to leave.
This article contains material from Dan Dagget's book Beyond the Rangeland Conflict – Toward a West That Works, and from an essay by Dan that appeared in The Chronicle of Community. The book, which was nominated for a Pulitzer Prize in 1995, is available for $27.95 from The Good Stewards Project, P.O. Box 23713, Flagstaff AZ 86002.

